Reborn in 1970 INDIA

Chapter 430: Chapter 389: The Theatre of the Giants

Chapter 389: The Theatre of the Giants

September 1, 1979

Moscow • New Delhi

At twelve-hundred hours Moscow Time on the first of September—two-thirty in the afternoon in New Delhi, and exactlyfive hours and thirty minutes after the first Indian Para-Commando boots had touched the granite ledge of Facility 414 at Malan—the heavy double doors of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs Press Center on Zubovsky Boulevard in Moscow swung open.

Over two hundred accredited foreign correspondents, military attachés, and wire-service bureau chiefs scrambled to their feet as Andrei Andreyevich Gromyko walked onto the raised birchwood stage, flanked by First Deputy Foreign Minister Georgy Korniyenko and Chief of the General Staff Press Directorate Colonel General Nikolai Chervov.

For six hours, the telex machines in every embassy in Moscow had been clattering with fragmentary, panicked monitoring reports picked up from Central Asian shortwave frequencies: that heavy Soviet mechanized columns had crossed the Kazakh and Kirghiz frontiers at dawn; that the sky over Alma-Ata and Frunze had thundered since four in the morning with waves of Ilyushin transport aircraft flying southeast; and that simultaneously, fifteen hundred kilometres to the south, Indian radio stations in Leh and Srinagar had broadcast emergency military traffic advisories across the Karakoram passes.

Gromyko did not wait for the television floodlights to adjust. He stood rigid behind the central microphone lectern, his charcoal suit buttoned to the sternum, his face set in the familiar, terrifying mask of funeral stone that the world had last seen during the Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962.

“I have a formal statement of the Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics,” Gromyko began, his low, iron voice rolling across the silent hall and out over the live international radio relays.

“During the night of August 31st and the early morning hours of September 1st, the final remnants of civil order in the Dzungarian basin bordering the Kazakh and Kirghiz Soviet Socialist Republics collapsed completely. Rogue militarist bands—operating without central command from the warring cliques in Peking and Shanghai—began shelling border settlements along the Ili River, slaughtering local working populations of Uyghur, Kazakh, and Kirghiz nationality, and threatening the physical security of nuclear weapons installations located in the eastern desert.

“In response to an urgent, formal appeal for fraternal assistance issued at midnight by the Provisional Revolutionary Council of the People’s Republic of North Turkestan in Ürümqi—and acting in strict accordance with the right of sovereign self-defense under Article 51 of the Charter of the United Nations—contingents of the Armed Forces of the Soviet Union crossed the frontier at zero-four-hundred hours Moscow Time today.

“By eleven-hundred hours this morning, Soviet motorized-rifle and airborne units, fighting alongside local patriotic militias, had secured the city of Ürümqi, the oilfields of Karamay, the Ili Valley, and the northern approaches to the Tian Shan mountain range, restoring peace, socialist legality, and elementary human survival to three and a half million working people. The Union of Soviet Socialist Republics has today extended full diplomatic recognition to the People’s Republic of North Turkestan as an independent, sovereign socialist state.”

A collective gasp rippled through the press rows—and before a single reporter could shout a question, Gromyko’s pale eyes hardened, his right hand coming down flat on the wood of the lectern.

“However,” Gromyko said, his voice dropping an octave and vibrating with what sounded to every microphone in the hall like cold, unbridled Kremlin fury, “it is the duty of the Soviet Government to inform the international community of a grave, unilateral, and thoroughly opportunistic act of military intervention carried out simultaneously this morning on the southern flank of the Tian Shan range by the Armed Forces of the Republic of India.”

Across the auditorium, Western and Asian journalists froze with their pens poised over their notebooks.

“At zero-four-hundred hours Moscow Time today,” Gromyko declared, every syllable dripping with ideological accusation, “without a single prior consultation with Moscow, and exploiting the defensive stabilization measures undertaken by the Soviet Union in the north, heavy armoured, mechanized, and air-mobile divisions of the Indian Army crossed the Kunlun and Karakoram passes out of Ladakh and Tibet into the Tarim Basin.

“Under the transparent, bourgeois-imperialist pretext of responding to an appeal from a self-appointed clique of merchants, landlords, and religious notables in Kashgar and Khotan calling themselves the ‘Free and Democratic Republic of Tarim,’ Indian military forces have occupied the oasis cities of Southern Xinjiang and are advancing rapidly toward the southern foothills of the Tian Shan mountains!

“The Soviet Union states categorically before the world:”

Gromyko held up three fingers, his jaw set like granite:

“First: The Union of Soviet Socialist Republics refuses to recognize the legitimacy of the so-called ‘Free and Democratic Republic of Tarim’ or the legality of the Indian military occupation south of the Tian Shan range! We view New Delhi’s sudden military thrust across the Kunlun Mountains as a naked attempt by Indian monopoly capital and expansionist circles to carve out an exclusive resource colony and push Indian military power into the heart of Central Asia!

“Second: To prevent a catastrophic military collision between two nuclear-armed states along the passes of the Tian Shan, the Supreme High Command of the Soviet Armed Forces has ordered all Soviet units to halt their southward advance strictly along the two-thousand-six-hundred-metre southern contour line of the Tian Shan range. We warn the Government of India in the most solemn terms: do not test that line! Not one single metre of ground above the two-thousand-six-hundred-metre contour, and not one single pass leading into North Turkestan or Soviet Central Asia, will be yielded to Indian forces!

“Third: One hour ago, on my instruction, the Permanent Representative of the USSR to the United Nations in New York formally demanded an immediate emergency session of the United Nations Security Council. As a Permanent Member of the Security Council, the Soviet Union will place India’s unilateral intervention in the Tarim Basin before the judgment of the world!”

Gromyko snapped his leather folder shut, turned on his heel without taking a single question, and strode off the stage while two hundred journalists bolted for the telephone booths in the lobby like a stampeding herd.

II. The Summons at South Block

Two hours later, at sixteen-thirty hours Indian Standard Time, the monsoon sun broke through the clouds over Raisina Hill in New Delhi, turning the wet red sandstone of South Block the colour of fresh rust.

Outside Gate Number Four, eighty photographers and television cameramen from Doordarshan, the BBC, ARD, NHK, and the American networks stood pressed against the white rope barriers as the long black Zil-114 limousine flying the red hammer-and-sickle pennant of the Soviet Embassy swept up the gravel drive and halted at the foot of the steps.

Ambassador Yuli Mikhailovich Vorontsov stepped out of the rear door.

Vorontsov was a consummate professional of the Soviet diplomatic service. As the camera shutters erupted around him in a metallic hailstorm, his face was a portrait of grim, tight-lipped diplomatic outrage. He did not wave; he did not look at the reporters shouting questions about Gromyko’s noon broadcast; he tucked his black leather dispatch case under his left arm and marched up the steps into the Ministry of External Affairs as if he were walking into a duel.

Escorted in stony silence by the Chief of Protocol up the broad stone staircase to the first floor, Vorontsov was shown into the high-ceilinged, teak-panelled office of the Foreign Secretary, Ram Sathe.

Standing beside Sathe’s desk was Additional Secretary K. P. S. Menon Jr.

The moment the heavy teak double doors clicked shut and the Chief of Protocol withdrew into the outer corridor, the silence in the room lasted for precisely three seconds.

Then Ram Sathe walked to the side cabinet, poured two small crystal glasses of chilled lemon barley water, and handed one to the Soviet Ambassador with a serene, faint smile.

“Andrei Andreyevich was in magnificent voice at noon, Yuli,” Sathe remarked conversationally. *”A naked attempt by Indian monopoly capital and expansionist circles to carve out an exclusive resource colony.* We listened to the BBC relay in the Cabinet room. The Prime Minister thought the phrase ‘monopoly capital’ was a particularly nostalgic touch.”

Vorontsov’s grim mask relaxed by a quarter of an inch as he took the glass of lemon water and let out a quiet breath.

“Marshal Ustinov wrote that line himself at breakfast, Ram,” Vorontsov said dryly in English. “He is still annoyed that Dr. Iyengar took the solid-state diagnostic sensors from Vault Three at Malan this morning. Have you heard from the mountain?”

“Thirty minutes ago via the Leh relay,” K. P. S. Menon Jr. replied, glancing at the decoded green slip on Sathe’s blotter. “Colonel General Boychuk and Dr. Iyengar have opened Vault One and Vault Two. All twenty-two cores are intact, and the first batch of ninety-percent Uranium-235 ingots is on the scales. And in the west, our armoured vanguard entered Kashgar an hour ago after destroying General Liu’s rogue tank division at Kizil-Su.”

“Our 105th Airborne secured Ürümqi and the Karamay oilfields at ten this morning with minimal losses,” Vorontsov confirmed, taking a sip of the barley water and setting the glass down. “And our reconnaissance regiments are digging in along the two-thousand-six-hundred-metre markers above the Torugart and Bedel gorges as agreed at Tashkent.”

Vorontsov picked up his black dispatch case and straightened his tie.

“Now,” the Soviet Ambassador said, his face returning instantly to the cold, formal severity of his office, “hand me your blistering protest note so I can storm out to my car looking suitably insulted for the American television cameras downstairs.”

Ram Sathe picked up a four-page document bound in red silk ribbon and stamped with the lion seal of the Ministry of External Affairs, and handed it across the desk.

“Wait until you read Paragraph Four in the car, Yuli,” Sathe said mildly. “We accuse Moscow of resurrecting the imperial ghost of Tsar Nicholas II in Dzungaria, and we announce that the Prime Minister, the Foreign Minister, and Chief Minister Shergill are walking into Vigyan Bhavan in ninety minutes to address the world press and file a counter-indictment against the USSR at the Security Council.”

“Andrei Andreyevich will frame it on his wall,” Vorontsov said deadpan. “See you at the Security Council in New York on Monday, Comrade Foreign Secretary.”

Vorontsov turned, threw open the heavy teak doors, fixed his face into a mask of livid superpower indignation, and strode rapidly down the red sandstone staircase past the shouting pack of reporters without uttering a single word, slamming the door of his limousine behind him.

III. The Vigyan Bhavan Reckoning

By seventeen-forty-five hours, the main plenary hall of Vigyan Bhavan on Maulana Azad Road was packed beyond its legal seating capacity.

Three hundred andforty accredited domestic and foreign correspondents, diplomatic observers from fifty-six embassies, defense analysts, and wire-service photographers filled every tier of the semicircular auditorium. Along the rear balcony, twenty-two television cameras—from Doordarshan, the BBC, CBS, NBC, Eurovision, NHK, and Gosteleradio—trained their long telephoto lenses on the raised teak stage.

Behind the four chairs on the dais hung a newly mounted, twelve-foot-high geopolitical map of Inner and Southern Asia.

Every journalist in the hall was staring at that map—and whispering furiously into their tape recorders.

Across the northern border of Ladakh, Gilgit-Baltistan, Aksai Chin, and the Protectorate of Tibet, the old post-1949 map of the “Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region” had been erased. In its place, stretching from the Pamir Knot and Kashgar in the west across the Taklamakan Desert and the Kunlun piedmont to Korla and Charklik in the east—bounded sharply on the north by a bold red line drawn along the 2,600-metre southern contour of the Tian Shan range—was a vast territory shaded in pale saffron-gold and labelled in clean block letters:

FREE AND DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF TARIM (SOUTH TURKESTAN)

(Sovereign Protectorate — Treaty of Kashgar, September 1, 1979)

North of that bold red 2,600-metre line, across the Dzungarian basin around Ürümqi and Karamay, the map was shaded in cross-hatched grey and stamped in red letters: SOVIET MILITARY OCCUPATION ZONE (UNRECOGNIZED BY THE REPUBLIC OF INDIA).

At eighteen-hundred hours sharp, the side doors of the stage opened.

Four men walked out onto the dais and took their seats behind the bank of microphones:

In the centre sat Prime Minister Yashwantrao Balwantrao Chavan. To his right sat the veteran Minister of External Affairs, Sardar Swaran Singh. To his left sat Karan Shergill, Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh and Member of the National Security Council—the man every foreign editor in the hall knew was the grand strategic architect of India’s industrial and military juggernaut. At the end of the table sat Foreign Secretary Ram Sathe, with a stack of operational and legal dossiers before him.

The hall fell so quiet that the whir of camera motor-drives sounded like crickets in a field.

Prime Minister Chavan adjusted his microphone and looked straight into the lenses of the global broadcast array.

“Ladies and gentlemen of the press,” Prime Minister Chavan began, his deep, measured baritone filling the hall with immovable sovereign gravity.

“At zero-six-thirty hours Indian Standard Time this morning, the Armed Forces of the Republic of India initiated Operation Uttar-Kuru—a rapid, decisive military and humanitarian stabilization deployment across the Karakoram and Kunlun passes into the Tarim Basin, historically known as Kashgaria or South Turkestan.

“As I speak to you at six o’clock this evening, Indian armoured, mechanized, and air-mobile formations of the 14th Corps have secured the cities and oasis belts of Kashgar, Artux, Yarkand, Karghalik, Khotan, Aksu, Kuqa, Korla, and Charklik. The last rogue warlord division of the defunct Peking military junta that attempted to contest our advance south of Kashgar was comprehensively destroyed in a sixty-five-minute engagement at Kizil-Su early this afternoon. Our forward mountain brigades now stand along the two-thousand-six-hundred-metre southern contour line of the Tian Shan mountain range, where they are digging in to establish a permanent, impregnable northern defensive wall.”

Chavan paused, looking directly across the auditorium at the foreign press benches.

“Why did the Republic of India act at dawn today?

“First: Because for nearly three years, the territory formerly known as the People’s Republic of China has dissolved into the worst self-inflicted holocaust in modern human history—a cauldron of warlordism, mass starvation, and ideological madness in which over twenty million human beings have perished.

“Second: Because at midnight last night, the Provisional Democratic Council of the Tarim Basin—meeting in Kashgar and representing the Uyghur, Tajik, Kirghiz, and local communities of all seven southern oases—formally proclaimed the Free and Democratic Republic of Tarim and transmitted an urgent, desperate appeal to the Government of India begging the world’s largest democracy to intervene immediately to save five million innocent civilians from two simultaneous nightmares: from being slaughtered by starving Chinese warlord divisions on the one hand, and from being swallowed by a Soviet Communist military invasion descending from the north on the other!

“Third: Because at zero-six-thirty hours this morning—at the exact hour our forces moved to answer that appeal—the Soviet Union launched a massive, unilateral military invasion across the Kazakh frontier into Northern Xinjiang, occupying Ürümqi and Dzungaria and proclaiming a Marxist-Leninist satellite regime under the guns of the Red Army!”

Chavan’s fist came down once on the teak desk.

“Had the Republic of India hesitated by a single morning,” the Prime Minister declared, his voice ringing off the rafters, “Soviet tank armies would have rolled straight through the passes of the Tian Shan, occupied Kashgar, Yarkand, and Khotan, and placed the Red Army directly across fifteen hundred kilometres of the northern watershed of Ladakh, Gilgit-Baltistan, Aksai Chin, and the Protectorate of Tibet!

“Let Moscow and the world hear the position of the Republic of India clearly tonight: “One: The Republic of India has today extended full sovereign recognition to the Free and Democratic Republic of Tarim and has signed the Treaty of Kashgar, guaranteeing its external defense, its democratic constitution, and its territorial integrity under the Indian security umbrella. “Two: The Republic of India categorically refuses to recognize the legitimacy of the Soviet-installed communist regime in Ürümqi or the Soviet military occupation of Dzungaria! “Three: At sixteen-thirty hours today, Ambassador Vorontsov was summoned to South Block to receive India’s formal condemnation of the Soviet incursion into Inner Asia, and our Permanent Representative at the United Nations has been instructed to place the Soviet Union’s unilateral expansionism before tonight’s emergency session of the Security Council. “Four: While India does not recognize the Soviet occupation north of the mountains, Indian forces have halted strictly along the 2,600-metre southern contour line of the Tian Shan range. We will not cross one metre north of that line—and we warn Moscow that any attempt by Soviet forces to cross one metre south of that line into the Tarim Basin will be met with the full, unyielding military might of the Republic of India!”

Chavan sat back.

Instantly, three hundred hands shot into the air across the auditorium, reporters half-standing in their seats, shouting for recognition.

Foreign Secretary Ram Sathe stepped to the side podium to moderate.

“We will take questions in order,” Sathe said crisply. “Please state your name and news organization clearly. First question—front row, centre: Reuters.”

Question 1: The Brink of World War III

Mark Tully (Chief South Asia Correspondent, Reuters / BBC Pool): “Prime Minister, Foreign Minister, Chief Minister Shergill—two hours ago in Moscow, Foreign Minister Gromyko accused India of ‘bourgeois-imperialist expansionism’ and warned you not to test the Red Army on the Tian Shan line. Just now, Prime Minister Chavan accused the Soviet Union of ‘unilateral Communist expansionism’ and warned the Red Army not to cross the 2,600-metre line. Both India and the USSR are nuclear-armed Permanent Members of the Security Council, and as of this afternoon your front-line armoured and mountain regiments are standing within rifle shot of each other in four mountain passes. Are we watching the collapse of the 1971 Indo-Soviet Treaty and the beginning of World War III between India and the Soviet Union?”

Prime Minister Chavan gestured to Sardar Swaran Singh. The seventy-one-year-old Foreign Minister took off his spectacles, wiped them unhurriedly with his pocket handkerchief, put them back on, and looked down at the Reuters correspondent with calm, grandfatherly composure.

“Mr. Tully,” Swaran Singh said, his voice even and dry, “allow me to relieve your immediate anxiety so that your editors in London do not print tomorrow’s newspaper in four-inch war type. There is not going to be a Third World War over the passes of the Tian Shan tonight, tomorrow, or next year.

“Why? Because both Moscow and New Delhi are governed by adults who understand the physics of geography and the arithmetic of deterrence.

“As for the 1971 Treaty of Peace, Friendship and Cooperation—a treaty between two sovereign powers is a contract of mutual interest, Mr. Tully, not a marriage vow of blind obedience! For eight years, Certain chancelleries in Europe and America laboured under the quaint delusion that because India bought Soviet hardware in 1971, New Delhi was a polite junior partner of Moscow. Then in April 1978, when Moscow overstepped in Kabul, we made our displeasure unmistakably clear. And when Moscow decided this week to march five divisions into Northern Xinjiang without consulting New Delhi, did you expect the Republic of India to sit politely on the south side of the Kunlun Mountains waving a handkerchief while the Red Army marched all the way down to the Karakoram Pass?

“We moved north at dawn today because a great power secures its own roof with its own steel, not with someone else’s promises. The Soviet generals sitting at two thousand eight hundred metres in the Torugart Pass tonight can see our S-35 squadrons overhead and our Arjuna tank brigades in the valley below. And our generals can see their divisions on the northern crest. That visibility—not polite diplomatic speeches—is the finest guarantee of peace on earth. Next question.”

Question 2: Will the Territory Be Returned to China?

Bernard Weinraub (The New York Times): “Mr. Foreign Minister, Chief Minister Shergill—whatever has happened in China over the past three years, Xinjiang has been internationally recognized on every map as sovereign Chinese territory since the Qing Dynasty and the founding of the PRC in 1949. You say you have intervened to stop chaos and Soviet expansion. Once the Chinese civil war eventually ends and a unified central government is re-established in Beijing or Shanghai, will the Republic of India return the Tarim Basin to China?”

Before Swaran Singh could lean toward his microphone, Karan Shergill switched on the microphone to the Prime Minister’s left.

Every camera lens on the rear balcony swung instantly onto the twenty-eight-year-old Chief Minister. Karan did not look at notes; he leaned forward on his forearms and fixed the New York Times correspondent with a gaze of cold, unblinking intensity.

“Return it to whom, Mr. Weinraub?” Karan asked, his voice quiet, clear, and cutting through the auditorium like a surgical blade.

“To the central government of China, when it reconstitutes itself,” Weinraub replied.

“Let us examine both halves of your premise,” Karan said, his voice rising with controlled, fierce passion. “First: you speak of the Tarim Basin—of Kashgar, of Yarkand, of Khotan, of Aksu, of Kuqa—as if it were an ancient suburb of Beijing!

“Read the actual history of Asia before you repeat the cartographic propaganda of Mao Zedong! For two thousand years before a single Chinese Communist commissar ever marched across the Gobi Desert at gunpoint in October 1949, the oasis kingdoms of the Tarim Basin were a completely separate country and a completely separate people! Their language, their blood, their architecture, their music, and their soul are Turkic and Indo-Iranian—bound for twenty centuries by the Silk Road passes of the Karakoram to Kashmir, Ladakh, Gandhara, and India! It was through Khotan and Kucha and Kashgar that Indian scholars carried Buddhism and Sanskrit across Asia; it was with the merchants of Yarkand and Leh that our caravans traded for two millennia! Even the name the Manchus gave the territory when they conquered it in the eighteenth century—Xinjiang—literally means ‘The New Frontier’ in Mandarin: an open confession in their own language that it was a foreign land seized by colonial conquest!

“Thirty years ago, in 1949, Mao Zedong’s armies marched into Kashgar and Khotan and locked five million human beings inside a Communist prison camp. And what did thirty years of Beijing’s rule give the people of the Tarim Basin? It gave them forced collectives, burned mosques, desecrated shrines, nuclear fallout drifting across their villages from Lop Nor, and finally, for the past three years, the privilege of starving to death while madmen in Beijing and Shanghai butchered twenty million of their own people in the mud of the Yangtze!”

The hall was dead silent. Karan leaned closer to the microphone, his eyes sweeping the foreign press rows.

“And now you ask me whether, ten or twenty years from now, the Republic of India will take five million free human beings whom we have just liberated from dead Communism—people who are today setting up their own democratic parliament in Kashgar, opening their schools, rebuilding their houses of worship, and trading in a stable currency under the protection of Indian law—and hand them back like cattle to whatever blood-soaked warlord or dictator eventually crawls out of the ashes of Beijing?!”

Karan’s palm came down flat on the teak table.

“Never!” Karan declared, his voice ringing through the hall. “Not one square inch! Not one village! Not one child! Communism in the Tarim Basin died at six-thirty this morning, and it is never coming back! The Free and Democratic Republic of Tarim is a sovereign nation of free men and women under the permanent protection of the Republic of India, and anyone who wants to put them back in chains will have to march through the Indian Army first!”

From the back three rows where the Indian journalists sat, a spontaneous burst of applause broke out before Ram Sathe raised a hand to restore order.

Question 3: The Speed of the Indian Blitzkrieg

Henry Bradsher (The Washington Star): “Chief Minister Shergill, if I may follow up on the military timeline you and the Prime Minister just laid out. You stated that India moved across the Kunlun passes at 0630 hours this morning in order to prevent the Soviet forces invading Dzungaria from rolling south into Kashgar and Khotan. Yet moving forty thousand troops, one hundred and eighty Arjuna main battle tanks, and seventy-two self-propelled 155mm howitzers across sixteen-thousand-foot mountain passes requires at least three weeks of forward staging. If this was an emergency reaction to a Soviet move at dawn today, how was an entire Indian armoured corps already sitting on the starting line with its engines warm at 0630 hours?”

Karan did not blink; the faintest, dryest trace of a smile touched the corner of his mouth.

“Mr. Bradsher,” Karan said smoothly, “in February 1975, during the Mauritius Crisis, the Pentagon asked how Indian paratroopers and fighter jets arrived at Peros Banhos forty-eight hours before the USS Enterprise. In December 1976, when Colonel Peng Yong crossed the Line of Actual Control on the Aksai Chin plateau, Western attachés asked how eighty-eight Indian S-35 fighters and two acclimatized mountain divisions happened to be waiting for him at dawn.

“The answer today is the same as it was then: the Republic of India does not pay its intelligence services to read about foreign invasions in the afternoon newspapers!

“For five weeks, since the assassination of the Ürümqi military commander in late June, our orbital reconnaissance satellites—Rohini-Khagol—and our signals intelligence arrays in Ladakh have been watching the Soviet Turkestan Military District assemble five mechanized and airborne divisions along the railheads at Alma-Ata, Frunze, and Osh. Simultaneously, we received urgent, daily appeals from the civic leaders of Kashgar, Yarkand, and Khotan warning us that the moment the Red Army crossed the northern border, local order would collapse and the whole of Xinjiang would be swallowed by Moscow.

“We staged Task Force Vajra along the Aksai Chin and Karakoram approaches over the past nineteen days under our annual high-altitude winter stocking exercises precisely because we knew the Soviet offensive was coming. The minute our radar arrays at Leh detected the first Soviet transport aircraft crossing the Kazakh border at zero-four-hundred Moscow Time—zero-six-thirty Indian Standard Time—the Prime Minister gave the order to execute. We did not react after the fact; we moved on the exact minute the board moved.”

Question 4: The Soviet Accusation from Pravda

Viktor Linnik (Pravda Bureau Chief, New Delhi): “Prime Minister Chavan! In Moscow today, Comrade Gromyko pointed out that while the People’s Republic of North Turkestan was formed by workers’ and peasants’ revolutionary committees in Ürümqi, the ‘Provisional Council’ you recognized in Kashgar consists of former bazaar merchants, religious mullahs, and bourgeois nationalists. Why is the Republic of India interfering in the class struggle of the peoples of Inner Asia and imposing a capitalist protectorate on the southern border of the socialist camp?”

Sardar Swaran Singh leaned forward to his microphone, his eyes gleaming behind his spectacles as he looked down at the Pravda correspondent.

“Comrade Linnik,” Swaran Singh said in his most polite, velvet voice, “I have read Pravda every week for twenty-five years, and it always warms my heart to hear how quickly ‘workers’ and peasants’ revolutionary committees’ spring out of the ground within ten minutes of a Soviet airborne division landing on an airfield!

“Let us compare what happened north of the Tian Shan mountains today with what happened south of the Tian Shan mountains today.

“In the north, your authorities have installed a single-party Revolutionary Committee that answers to the CPSU Politburo, abolished private property in the bazaars of Ürümqi, and placed three and a half million people under the same economic system that requires ration cards to buy a pair of shoes in Novosibirsk!

“In the south, the Provisional Democratic Council in Kashgar—composed of elected representatives of the oasis municipalities, farmers’ cooperatives, scholars, and merchants—has today promulgated a Democratic Bill of Rights: guaranteeing freedom of religion in every mosque and temple, private ownership of land and shops, multiparty municipal elections within twelve months, and free trade!

“If Pravda considers free elections, private property, religious liberty, and full grocery stalls to be a ‘bourgeois plot,’ Comrade Linnik, then the Republic of India pleads guilty to spreading that plot with enthusiasm!”

A wave of laughter swept across the Western and Indian press benches, while the Pravda correspondent sat back down with a dark scowl.

Question 5: The UN Security Council Veto Deadlock

Jean-Pierre Clerc (Le Monde, Paris): “Foreign Secretary Sathe, both Moscow and New Delhi have announced within the last four hours that they are hauling each other before an emergency session of the UN Security Council in New York tonight. Yet both the Soviet Union and the Republic of India are Permanent Members of the Security Council holding the right of absolute veto under Article 27 of the Charter. Isn’t taking this dispute to the Security Council a complete legal charade when Moscow will veto your resolution and New Delhi will veto Moscow’s?”

Ram Sathe adjusted his microphone, speaking with the crisp, crystalline precision of a veteran international jurist.

“Monsieur Clerc, the United Nations Security Council is not merely a voting machine; it is the supreme court of international public record,” Sathe replied. “When the Soviet Union files a resolution tonight attempting to gain international legal validation for its military occupation of Dzungaria while condemning India’s defensive stabilization of the Tarim Basin, the Republic of India will exercise its sovereign veto as a Permanent Member without a second’s hesitation—just as we fully expect Ambassador Troyanovsky to veto our resolution demanding the withdrawal of Soviet troops from North Turkestan.

“Why, then, do we go to New York tonight? For two fundamental legal reasons: “First, to ensure that no resolution of the United Nations ever grants international legal recognition to a Soviet military frontier north of the Tian Shan, and to place on the permanent record of the Security Council the signed, notarized petition of the Provisional Democratic Council of the Republic of Tarim requesting Indian protection under Article 51. “Second, under the Uniting for Peace precedents and the diplomatic framework of the Non-Aligned Movement, the world will be able to judge side by side in the verbatim records of the Council which power came to the Tarim Basin to build schools, clinics, and democratic self-government, and which power came to Dzungaria to build another garrison state.”

Question 6: The Mystery of the 2,600-Metre Line

Klaus Natorp (Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Bonn): “Mr. Foreign Secretary, let me press you on a very specific geographical coincidence that every military attaché in this room has noticed in the last hour. In Moscow at noon, Foreign Minister Gromyko announced that the Red Army has been ordered to halt strictly along the 2,600-metre southern contour line of the Tian Shan mountains. And ten minutes ago, Prime Minister Chavan announced that the Indian Army has halted strictly along that exact same 2,600-metre southern contour line! If India and the USSR did not coordinate this operation in advance—if you are genuinely at loggerheads—how on earth did both Supreme Commands independently pick the exact same 2,600-metre elevation line in the middle of a fifteen-hundred-kilometre mountain range to stop their tanks?”

Across the press hall, dozens of heads leaned forward. It was the sharpest question of the evening—poking directly at the invisible seam of the Tashkent secret protocol.

Without missing half a heartbeat, Karan Shergill answered.

“Herr Natorp,” Karan said, turning slightly to point at the great topographical relief map behind the dais, “have you ever driven a fifty-eight-tonne main battle tank or a wheeled supply truck up a limestone gorge on the southern face of the Tian Shan mountains?”

“No, Chief Minister,” the German reporter admitted.

“Neither have the editorial writers in Frankfurt, clearly,” Karan said dryly. “If you look at a standard 1:100,000 physical relief map of the Tian Shan range—the same map sitting on General Varennikov’s desk in Moscow and on General Malhotra’s desk in New Delhi—you do not need a diplomatic telephone call to find the 2,600-metre contour line. Physical geography drew that line fifty million years ago!

“Across the entire southern face of the Tian Shan—at the Torugart Pass, the Bedel Pass, the Muzart Pass, and the Iron Gate above Korla—the sedimentary alluvial fans and gravel roads of the Tarim Basin end abruptly at two thousand six hundred metres elevation, where the mountain wall rises vertically into sheer Paleozoic granite cliffs and narrow, ice-choked gorges climbing to four thousand metres!

“Why did the Red Army stop coming down the gorges at two thousand six hundred metres this afternoon? Because at two thousand six hundred metres, their reconnaissance vehicles looked out of the mouth of the gorges and saw Indian Arjuna tank squadrons, Indian 155mm self-propelled artillery, and Indian Starlighter strike jets already holding the valley floor below them! If a Soviet column steps below two thousand six hundred metres out of those narrow canyon mouths, it enters an open killing ground where our armour can annihilate it!

“And why did the Indian Army stop climbing up the gorges at two thousand six hundred metres? Because above two thousand six hundred metres, the road narrows to a twenty-foot cliff ledge where two Soviet companies with anti-tank rockets sitting on the four-thousand-metre snow peaks can block an entire division!

“Two professional general staffs looking at the same mountain cliff through their tank periscopes do not need a treaty to know where the cliff starts, Herr Natorp. Ballistics and gravity tell both sides where to stop!”

In the front row of the diplomatic enclosure, the British Defence Attaché slowly nodded to his French counterpart, whispering under his breath: *”Bloody hell, that actually makes complete tactical sense.”*

Question 7: The Fate of the Lop Nor Nuclear Complex

David Watts (The Times, London): “Prime Minister Chavan, Chief Minister Shergill—look at the eastern corner of that map behind you, around the 88th and 90th meridians: Lop Nor and Malan. That is Base 21, China’s strategic nuclear testing range and weapons storage complex. It sits right on the geographic seam between Dzungaria and the Tarim Basin. Our seismic stations in Scotland and the US Geological Survey registered a series of massive conventional explosions or battles near Malan early this morning. Who controls the Lop Nor nuclear base tonight—the Red Army or the Indian Army—and what has happened to the Chinese nuclear warheads stored there?”

Prime Minister Chavan and Karan exchanged a fraction-of-a-second glance—remembering that at this exact minute, three hundred metres beneath the Malan cliff, Dr. P. K. Iyengar and Colonel General Boychuk were weighing the eighth Uranium-235 ingot on their dual Mettler scales.

Prime Minister Chavan leaned forward and answered with absolute, granite composure.

“Mr. Watts,” Chavan said, “the Lop Nor salt pan and the Malan test complex sit in a desolate, uninhabited desert depression outside the populated oasis ring of the Free and Democratic Republic of Tarim.

“When the Chinese central command collapsed, the gravest danger facing both the Republic of India and the entire world was that rogue militarist factions—or fanatical remnants of the Second Artillery Corps—would seize tactical or strategic nuclear devices from the Malan storage tunnels and use them in an act of desperate blackmail against Asian cities.

“Early this morning, Indian long-range reconnaissance and special-operations forces operating on the northeastern edge of the Tarim desert, acting in parallel with Soviet airborne forces descending from the north, neutralized the rogue Chinese security garrison at Malan before they could detonate their dead-man radiological traps.

“To ensure that no warlord regime, and no foreign power, can ever again use the Lop Nor desert to test nuclear weapons or threaten the peace of Central and South Asia, both Indian and Soviet military commanders on the spot have agreed to a single, non-negotiable security measure: within seventy-two hours, every nuclear test shaft, every missile silo, every launch pad, and every underground laboratory at Lop Nor and Malan is being packed with four hundred tonnes of high explosives and permanently demolished. As for the remaining radiological materials and components found in the complex, they are being safely neutralized and removed from the theatre under strict technical containment so that not a single gram remains in Xinjiang. As of this week, Lop Nor ceases to exist as a nuclear site forever.”

Question 8: The Battle of Kizil-Su and Casualties

Kuldip Nayar (The Indian Express): “Prime Minister, you mentioned a sixty-five-minute tank battle early this afternoon at Kizil-Su, north of Yarkand, against the Chinese 6th Mechanized Division, as well as the special-operations action at Malan. What are the exact Indian casualty figures across all three columns today, how many Chinese soldiers are in Indian custody, and what happened to the civilian populations of Kashgar and Khotan during the advance?”

Foreign Secretary Ram Sathe opened the Ministry of Defence operational summary folder and read the figures cleanly into the microphone:

“Across all sectors of Operation Uttar-Kuru between 0630 hours and 1730 hours today: “In the oasis cities of Kashgar, Yarkand, Khotan, Aksu, Kuqa, and Korla, there was zero fighting inside municipal limits and zero civilian casualties. In every single city, the local municipal defence militias of the Provisional Democratic Council had already secured the town gates and welcomed the advancing Indian columns as liberators. “In the desert engagement at Kizil-Su, where Major General Liu Zhen’s rogue 6th Mechanized Division attempted to ambush Column West during a sandstorm, Indian armoured and self-propelled artillery units destroyed seventy-one Type-59 tanks and thirty-eight artillery pieces. Seven hundred and forty combatants of the rogue division were killed in action, and six thousand four hundred and twenty soldiers—including Major General Liu Zhen himself—surrendered and are now in Indian custody, where they are being accorded full Geneva Convention protections and medical care by the Army Medical Corps. “Indian casualties across the entire theatre today stand at eleven soldiers killed in action and thirty-four wounded—nine killed when a bridging vehicle struck an unmapped anti-tank minefield south of Kizil-Su, and two killed during the close-quarters suppression of the outer pillboxes at Malan. Not a single Indian tank and not a single Indian aircraft was lost.”

Question 9: The Legal Architecture of the Treaty of Kashgar

G. K. Reddy (The Hindu, Madras): “Mr. Foreign Minister, could you clarify the exact constitutional and legal structure of the Treaty of Kashgar signed today with the Provisional Democratic Council of the Republic of Tarim? Is it modelled directly on the March 1977 Treaty of Dharamsala with Tibet, and will the citizens of the Tarim Republic hold Indian passports or their own?”

Sardar Swaran Singh nodded approvingly at the veteran Madras correspondent.

“Mr. Reddy, the Treaty of Kashgar follows the exact constitutional philosophy that has made the Treaty of Dharamsala in Tibet a model of post-colonial regional stability over the past two and a half years,” Swaran Singh explained.

“The Free and Democratic Republic of Tarim is not annexed as a state or union territory of the Indian Union. We have zero interest in turning five million Uyghur, Kirghiz, and Tajik citizens into reluctant subjects of a distant bureaucracy. Under the Treaty of Kashgar: “First: The Republic of Tarim enjoys one hundred percent internal self-governance. Its citizens elect their own National Assembly in Kashgar, appoint their own Prime Minister and civil magistrates, administer their own municipal, civil, and religious laws, and educate their children in their own Uyghur and local languages—with English and Hindi taught as secondary technical languages for higher education and commerce. “Second: By sovereign treaty delegation, the Republic of India assumes full, binding responsibility for the external defense, air defense, frontier security along the Tian Shan line, and foreign diplomatic representation of the Republic of Tarim. An attack upon Kashgar, Khotan, or Aksu is legally an attack upon New Delhi. “Third: Just as in the Treaty of Dharamsala, there is a formal ten-year joint review mechanism written into Article 14 of the treaty, along with a passport union allowing citizens of the Republic of Tarim visa-free travel, university admission, and commercial residence throughout India and Tibet.”

Question 10: The Accusation of Resource Looting (Uranium and Oil)

Vladimir Simonov (Izvestia / Literaturnaya Gazeta, Moscow): “I have a question directly for Chief Minister Karan Shergill! In Moscow’s second bulletin at four o’clock today, TASS noted that geological surveys from the 1950s identified massive deposits of uranium ore, crude oil, copper, and coal along the southern rim of the Tarim Basin—particularly around Yarkand, Aksu, and Khotan. Isn’t it true, Mr. Shergill, that all your fine talk of ‘bringing democracy to a Communist-grieved land’ is merely a cynical screen for Shergill Industries, the Indian National Petroleum Endowment, and the Indian Atomic Energy Commission to seize the uranium and oil of Southern Xinjiang?”

The entire hall hushed as the Soviet journalist threw the gauntlet directly at Karan’s feet.

Karan leaned forward, resting his chin on his laced fingers for a second as he looked at the Izvestia correspondent with a cool, devastatingly amused smile.

“Mr. Simonov,” Karan said, “first of all, allow me to congratulate TASS and Izvestia on their sudden, touching concern for the mineral rights of indigenous Asian peoples—especially on the very afternoon that the Soviet Ministry of Oil and Gas has marched into the Karamay oilfields and the Altay gold and beryllium mines in Northern Xinjiang behind five divisions of Soviet T-72 tanks without offering the people of Dzungaria a single hard-currency rouble in royalties!”

A loud ripple of laughter and murmurs ran through the hall.

“Now let me answer your question about the uranium, the oil, the natural gas, the copper, and the iron ore of the Tarim Basin with complete, unvarnished candour,” Karan continued, his voice turning serious and ringing with authority. “Because unlike Moscow, the Republic of India does not hide its commercial treaties in secret police safes! We publish them in the official gazette!

“Does the Tarim Basin sit atop fifty billion barrels of crude oil, trillions of cubic metres of natural gas, and over a hundred thousand tonnes of natural uranium oxide? Yes, it does.

“And what did thirty years of Chinese Communist rule do with that wealth while the people of Kashgar, Yarkand, and Khotan lived in mud-brick poverty on less than three hundred rupees a year? Nothing! Beijing treated Southern Xinjiang as a penal colony and a nuclear testing dump!

“Under the Sixty-Year Sovereign Resource and Development Accord signed alongside the Treaty of Kashgar this afternoon between the Provisional Democratic Council of Tarim, the Indian National Petroleum Endowment (INPE), the Asian-African Development Bank (AADB), and the Department of Atomic Energy of India:

“First: The AADB is extending an immediate one-thousand-two-hundred-crore-rupee ($1.6 billion) reconstruction credit line at three percent interest to build paved highways, an electrified broad-gauge railway from Leh across Aksai Chin to Khotan, Yarkand, Kashgar, and Korla, modern hospitals, SPEI generic pharmacies, and technical schools in every oasis town! “Second: The INPE and Bhartiya Urja Mahasagar (BUM), together with the Indian Atomic Energy Commission, are establishing joint-venture extraction corporations with the Treasury of the Republic of Tarim on a strict fifty-fifty sovereign revenue-sharing formula! “Half of the net revenue from every barrel of oil pumped and every tonne of mineral refined goes directly into the Sovereign Development Fund of the Republic of Tarim in Kashgar—turning five million people who were starving under Communism yesterday into some of the wealthiest per-capita citizens in Central Asia within ten years! And the other half flows into the energy grid and the strategic nuclear fuel reserves of the Republic of India, priced and cleared exclusively in Indian Rupees!

“That is the difference between Soviet socialism and Indian partnership, Mr. Simonov,” Karan said, looking the Russian reporter straight in the eye. “When your tanks roll into a territory, the people get ration cards and political commissars. When our engineers roll in, the people get fifty percent of the oil revenue, five-rupee insulin, and a bank account in Indian Rupees! Ask the people of Kashgar tonight which one they prefer!”

Question 11: The 0.75 Nuclear Ratio and Tarim Uranium

Richard Halloran (The Washington Post): “Chief Minister Shergill, you just explicitly mentioned the Indian Atomic Energy Commission and the strategic nuclear fuel reserves of the Republic of India in connection with the Tarim uranium deposits. At the Singapore Summit last December, India secured a 0.75 nuclear warhead ratio—over eleven thousand warheads—which Western analysts assumed India could never physically build for thirty years because of domestic uranium constraints. Does the acquisition of the Tarim Basin uranium deposits mean India intends to begin mass-producing thousands of thermonuclear warheads to fill that 0.75 ceiling?”

Karan looked at the Washington Post correspondent with calm, glacial poise.

“Mr. Halloran,” Karan said, “when Secretary of State Cyrus Vance and President Jimmy Carter signed the Singapore Trilateral Accord in December, they recognized in black and white that a nation of seven hundred million people has the sovereign legal right to maintain a strategic deterrent at a 0.75 ratio relative to the United States.

“At the time, several anonymous briefers in the Pentagon and Langley comforted themselves by whispering to your newspaper that the 0.75 ratio was merely a ‘paper ceiling’ because India lacked sufficient domestic uranium ore outside Bihar to build more than a few dozen warheads.

“It is always unwise to bet against Indian geology—or Indian statecraft,” Karan said softly. “With the sovereign resource partnership signed today in the Tarim Basin, combined with our existing reserves and our fast-breeder reactor programme, the Department of Atomic Energy of the Republic of India now enjoys complete, permanent, hundred-year self-sufficiency in natural uranium for both our civilian nuclear power grid, our expanding fleet of nuclear-powered supercarriers and Chakra*-class submarines, and whatever strategic warhead inventory our national security requires under the legal ceiling of the Singapore Treaty. We will never build one warhead more than the treaty permits—and we will never again be one gram short of what we need.”

Question 12: Religion, Culture, and the Uyghur Population

Saeed Naqvi (The Statesman, New Delhi): “Prime Minister Chavan, unlike Tibet—which shares a deep Buddhist spiritual heritage with India and had the Dalai Lama living in India for seventeen years—the five million people of the Tarim Basin are overwhelmingly Sunni Muslim Uyghurs, Kirghiz, and Tajiks. How will India ensure that its presence in Kashgar and Khotan is not portrayed by hostile propagandists in Pakistan or the Middle East as the occupation of a Muslim land, and who is actually leading this new government in Kashgar?”

Prime Minister Chavan nodded to Sardar Swaran Singh, who answered with quiet authority.

“Mr. Naqvi,” Swaran Singh said, “first of all, the Republic of India is home to over Sixty-five million Muslim citizens—more than any nation in the Middle East, and more than Pakistan itself. When our soldiers entered Kashgar, Yarkand, and Khotan today, the very first medical and civil-affairs battalion that marched into Kashgar alongside the Poona Horse was led by Indian Muslim and Sikh officers carrying copies of the Holy Quran printed in Delhi to replace the scriptures burned by the Red Guards during the Cultural Revolution!

“Second, who leads the Provisional Democratic Council in Kashgar? It is not led by an Indian governor. It is chaired by Maulana Burhanuddin Kashgari and Dr. Timur Dawamat—leaders elected by a seventy-two-member council of Uyghur, Kirghiz, and Tajik municipal elders, educators, and oasis irrigation guild masters from all seven districts of the Tarim Basin.

“This afternoon at four o’clock, for the first time since 1966, the great Id Kah Mosque in the centre of Kashgar—the largest mosque in Inner Asia, which the Chinese Communists had locked and plastered over with slogans—was reopened by the Provisional Council under the protection of an Indian Army honour guard, and twenty thousand citizens offered prayers of thanksgiving in complete freedom. Let General Zia-ul-Haq in Rawalpindi—who has just had his bank accounts cut off by Riyadh—try to explain to the Islamic world why liberating five million Muslims from Communist tyranny and reopening the Id Kah Mosque is a bad thing!”

Question 13: The Reaction of Taipei / Republic of China

Keyes Beech (Los Angeles Times): “Foreign Secretary Sathe, the government of the Republic of China in Taipei still holds the Chinese seat on the UN Security Council and claims legal sovereignty over all of Xinjiang under its 1947 Constitution. Will Taipei vote with the Soviet Union tonight at the Security Council to condemn India’s creation of the Republic of Tarim?”

Ram Sathe permitted himself a thin, diplomatic smile.

“Mr. Beech,” Sathe said, “our Trade Facilitation Commissioner in Taipei briefed the Foreign Ministry of the Republic of China at seven o’clock this morning on the humanitarian emergency in the Tarim Basin.

“President Chiang Ching-kuo and his cabinet in Taipei are pragmatic men who are currently fighting for survival against the savage regimes on the mainland coast—and who rely on Bhartiya Urja Mahasagar for fifty-two percent of Taiwan’s crude oil and refined petroleum products. Taipei understands perfectly well that the alternative to a democratic, self-governing Republic of Tarim under Indian protection was seeing the entire province of Xinjiang swallowed whole by the Soviet Red Army. You may watch Ambassador Wei’s speech at the Security Council tonight: Taipei will register a formal, historic reservation regarding the pre-1949 boundaries of China for the sake of its constitutional record, condemn the Soviet invasion of Dzungaria, and abstain on any measure criticizing India’s humanitarian stabilization of the south.”

Question 14: The Wakhan Corridor and the Encirclement of Pakistan

H. K. Dua (Hindustan Times): “Chief Minister Shergill, look at the western edge of that map on the stage—where the newly protected Republic of Tarim meets Gilgit-Baltistan and the Wakhan Corridor of Afghanistan. Last week, intelligence reports indicated that Soviet forces suddenly pulled back from the eastern Wakhan panhandle. Now, with Indian forces holding Kashgar and the Taghdumbash Pamir down to the Karakoram Pass, India controls every single northern pass from the Tajik border to Tibet. What is the status of the Wakhan Corridor tonight, and doesn’t this completely seal off Pakistan from the north?”

Karan looked at the map where the saffron-gold of the Republic of Tarim met the deep green of Indian Gilgit-Baltistan across the Khunjerab and Mintaka passes.

“Mr. Dua,” Karan said, “as of this morning, the sixty-mile border formerly known as the ‘Sino-Pakistani frontier’—where Islamabad illegally ceded the Shaksgam Valley in 1963 and built the Karakoram Highway to receive Chinese tanks and artillery—no longer exists. Both ends of those mountain passes, from Gilgit and Hunza in the south to Taxkorgan, Yarkand, and Kashgar in the north, now lie permanently inside the security perimeter of the Republic of India and the Republic of Tarim.

“As for the Wakhan Corridor immediately to the west: ten days ago, following firm diplomatic and military representations from New Delhi, all foreign military personnel were withdrawn west of Ishkashim. The Wakhan panhandle is today an empty, demilitarized buffer zone monitored daily by Indian high-altitude reconnaissance aircraft. No hostile weapon, no foreign intelligence convoy, and no encirclement will ever again pass through the Pamir Knot toward the Indian subcontinent.”

Question 15: The Fiscal Burden and the Leh–Khotan–Kashgar Railway

Swaminathan Aiyar (Eastern Economist / Times of India): “Prime Minister, Chief Minister Shergill—building an all-weather broad-gauge railway and highway network from Leh across the seventeen-thousand-foot Aksai Chin and Kunlun passes into Khotan and Kashgar, while maintaining two or three permanent mountain and armoured divisions along a fifteen-hundred-kilometre frontier facing the Soviet Red Army in the Tian Shan, will cost thousands of crores of rupees. Will this massive frontier commitment force a cutback in the domestic budgets for agriculture, education, or the naval shipbuilding programme?”

“Not by a single rupee, Mr. Aiyar,” Karan answered immediately, rattling off the balance-sheet numbers with the effortless precision of a man who had written them with Dr. Manmohan Singh and C. Subramaniam forty-eight hours earlier.

“Let me give you the exact capital arithmetic: “The five-year military fortification of the southern Tian Shan gorges and the construction of two permanent forward airbases at Kashgar and Aksu-Korla is budgeted at seven hundred and eighty crore rupees, funded entirely out of the statutory ten-percent national security reserve of the Indian National Petroleum Endowment—requiring zero allocation from the domestic Union or State tax budgets. “The civil infrastructure programme—the Karakoram–Kunlun–Tarim Broad-Gauge Electrified Railway designed by E. Sreedharan’s mountain railway corporation, together with the twenty-four-inch Tarim–Ladakh–Punjab Crude Oil and Natural Gas Pipeline—carries a capital cost of one thousand six hundred crore rupees over four years, financed through Series-C Petro-Rupee Infrastructure Bonds subscribed by the AADB and INPE. “And what is the return on that investment? By Year Three, the first in-situ uranium leaching plants at Yarkand and Uch-Turfan and the first oil-and-gas separation units at Shayar and Kuqa will deliver three thousand two hundred crore rupees per annum in direct energy and mineral value to the Indian and Tarim economies—paying back the entire capital cost of the railway, the pipeline, and the military garrison every six months!”

Question 16: The Carter Doctrine and Western Reaction

Don Oberdorfer (The Washington Post Diplomatic Correspondent): “Mr. Prime Minister, three months ago in Washington, after Chief Minister Shergill exposed the Eastern Bloc doping programme in Lucknow, President Carter praised India and the United States as ‘the two responsible democratic superpowers of this earth.’ Yet in the past nine months, India has intervened in Burma, established a protectorate in Tibet, parked a nuclear carrier group at the Strait of Hormuz, and today marched forty thousand troops into Southern Xinjiang without a word of prior consultation with Washington. How do you expect the White House and the European capitals to react to India redrawing the borders of Asia by unilateral military force?”

Sardar Swaran Singh smiled gently, leaning into his microphone.

“Mr. Oberdorfer,” the veteran Foreign Minister said, “when you call the White House press office tonight at nine o’clock, ask Mr. Brzezinski and Secretary Vance a simple question from me:

“Would Washington have preferred that the Republic of India sit politely in New Delhi this morning while five Soviet mechanized divisions rolled across the Tian Shan mountains, seized the entire Tarim Basin down to the borders of Kashmir and Tibet, captured fifty billion barrels of oil and a hundred and forty thousand tonnes of uranium for the Kremlin, and kept the Lop Nor nuclear base intact under the red flag?”

Swaran Singh let the question hang in the air for three seconds as every American reporter in the room scribbled furiously.

“Because that was the only alternative on the face of the earth at dawn today!” Swaran Singh said, his voice sharpening into steel. “The United States is ten thousand miles away from the Tian Shan mountains. You could not have put a single platoon into Kashgar or Khotan to stop the Red Army if you had wanted to!

“The Republic of India stopped the Soviet advance at the crest of the Tian Shan mountains this morning with Indian steel, Indian blood, and Indian readiness—and in doing so, we saved five million human beings from Communist rule and brought them into the democratic, Rupee-trading world! If Washington and Brussels are half as devoted to human rights and the containment of totalitarian expansion as their speeches claim, they should pass a resolution thanking the Indian 14th Corps before breakfast!”

Question 17: The Risk of an Accidental Clash in the Passes

General (Retd.) D. K. Palit (Hindustan Times Military Correspondent): “A technical military question for Foreign Secretary Sathe or Chief Minister Shergill: with Soviet airborne and motor-rifle units holding the upper crests of the Torugart, Bedel, Muzart, and Iron Gate passes above 2,600 metres, and Indian brigades holding the lower gorges and southern exits immediately below 2,600 metres, a single trigger-happy platoon commander or an artillery miscalculation in fog could spark a shooting war between two nuclear powers. Is there any direct military-to-military communication link between the Indian and Soviet commanders on the ground in Xinjiang tonight?”

Ram Sathe answered cleanly:

“General Palit, while the Government of India categorically rejects the political legitimacy of the Soviet occupation north of the Tian Shan, we are not reckless amateurs in military command and control.

“At fourteen-hundred hours today, on the direct instruction of the Prime Minister, our Director General of Military Operations activated a dedicated, encrypted field-grade hotline between the headquarters of the Indian 14th Corps at Leh/Kashgar and the headquarters of the Soviet Turkestan Military District in Tashkent/Ürümqi. At each of the four major mountain passes along the 2,600-metre contour line, joint white flag-markers have been erected with a five-hundred-metre no-fire buffer zone between the forward sentry posts, and both air forces have established a strict ten-kilometre radar-standoff corridor along the watershed crest. Neither side will cross that line by accident—and neither side will cross it by design.”

Question 18: Where Does the Indian Frontier Stop?

Sathe looked at his watch. It was nineteen-twenty-five hours.

“One final question,” Sathe announced. “Second row, right: BBC World Service.”

Ian Jack (The Sunday Times / BBC): “Prime Minister Chavan, Chief Minister Shergill—look at the map of Asia behind you tonight on the first of September, 1979. In the space of thirty-six months, the Republic of India has reclaimed Gilgit-Baltistan and Aksai Chin; dismantled the military regime in Burma and bound Rangoon into your economic orbit; liberated Tibet and established a permanent protectorate at Lhasa; stationed an Eastern Fleet garrison at Changi in the Strait of Malacca; parked an eighty-five-thousand-tonne nuclear supercarrier battle group at the mouth of the Strait of Hormuz; locked thirty-eight nations of Asia and Africa into the Rupee Belt-and-Road network; and today pushed your northern military frontier six hundred kilometres beyond the Himalayas to the crest of the Tian Shan mountains in Central Asia.

“Every chancellor and president in the world watching this broadcast tonight is asking the same question: What is the ultimate ambition of the Republic of India, and where does your frontier finally stop?”

The auditorium went completely, breathlessly still.

Prime Minister Yashwantrao Chavan looked at Karan Shergill, and with a slight, deliberate inclination of his head, invited the younger man to deliver the final word of the evening.

Karan looked out across the three hundred journalists and straight into the red tally lights of the twenty-two global television cameras.

“Mr. Jack,” Karan said, his voice calm, unhurried, and carrying to the farthest corner of the hall without a trace of bluster, “for two hundred years, when a European empire stood on a map of Asia, its frontier was wherever its guns ran out of range or its ships ran out of coal. You conquered lands to strip their wealth, to turn their people into subjects, and to send their gold back to London or Paris or Amsterdam. Because that is what Europe did when Europe was strong, you look at a strong India today and you assume we must be building the same kind of empire.

“Look closely at that map behind me, and you will see what we have actually built.

“Nature itself built the house of the Indian civilization—bounded in the south by the vast expanse of the Indian Ocean from the Cape of Good Hope to the Strait of Malacca, and walled in the north by the great mountain arcs of the Hindu Kush, the Pamirs, the Tian Shan, the Kunlun, the Himalayas, and the Arakan ranges.

“For three centuries, because we allowed our science to stagnate, our industries to rust, and our rulers to quarrel among themselves, foreign predators climbed over those mountain walls and sailed through those ocean gates to turn our house into their hunting ground.

“In 1962, China came over the northern roof to humiliate us. In 1971, the United States sailed a nuclear carrier into the Bay of Bengal to intimidate us. In 1976, Burmese jets crossed our eastern hills to murder fifty-one Indian engineers and workers in their sleep. And for thirty years, powers East and West armed our neighbours and used the lands around us as staging grounds against our peace.

“You ask where the frontier of the Republic of India stops?”

Karan placed his hand flat on the teak lectern, his dark eyes steady and immovable in the glare of the floodlights.

“Our territorial ambition inside our sovereign borders stopped the day we reclaimed the last square inch of Indian soil in Gilgit-Baltistan and Aksai Chin. We do not covet a single village of another nation’s homeland.

“And our security perimeter—the roof and the gates of our neighbourhood—stops right where you see that red line drawn tonight: along the two-thousand-six-hundred-metre granite wall of the Tian Shan mountains in the north, at the Chindwin and Malacca corridors in the east, and at the mouth of the Persian Gulf and the Cape of Good Hope in the west!

“Within that house, any nation that wishes to live in peace, govern its own people with dignity, and trade fairly as a sovereign equal will find in the Republic of India the most generous bank, the most advanced laboratory, and the most loyal shield on earth. And any power that approaches those mountain walls or those ocean gates with a gun in its hand will find that the doors of Asia are locked—and the keys are in New Delhi.

“Good evening, ladies and gentlemen.”

IV. The Midnight Telex

At twenty-two-thirty hours that night, the main auditorium of Vigyan Bhavan was dark and empty, the cleaners sweeping up torn telex strips and flashbulb casings between the rows of velvet seats while the world’s newsrooms from New York and London to Tokyo and Cairo tore up their Sunday front pages to print the map of the Tian Shan Line.

Back in the secure basement conference room of South Block, Prime Minister Chavan, Sardar Swaran Singh, Karan Shergill, Ram Sathe, and R. N. Kao sat around the small round table with plates of hot parathas and dal brought in from the Prime Minister’s kitchen.

On the wall monitor, muted, played the live satellite feed from the United Nations Security Council chamber in New York, where it was one o’clock in the afternoon.

On the screen, Soviet Ambassador Oleg Troyanovsky—his face red with theatrical indignation—was pounding his fist on the curved horseshoe table, denouncing India’s “bourgeois-expansionist intervention in the Tarim Basin,” while three seats away, India’s Permanent Representative, Rikhi Jaipal, sat waiting with an equally thick binder to denounce Moscow’s “Tsarist military occupation of Dzungaria” before both men raised their hands to veto each other’s resolutions into oblivion.

And beside the American placard, exactly as Swaran Singh had predicted to the Washington Post three hours earlier, US Ambassador Andrew Young and his deputy were sitting with their arms folded, looking thoroughly bemused—having just received instructions from Cyrus Vance and Zbigniew Brzezinski at the State Department not to criticize New Delhi’s move into Kashgar and Khotan, since the Indians had “blocked the Red Army from taking Southern Xinjiang and the Karakoram passes.”

The door of the small communications booth at the side of the room opened, and Major Vikram Malhotra walked in holding a fresh pink burst-transmission printout from the Chanakya-Link terminal.

He handed it to R. N. Kao, who read the six lines and passed the sheet across the plates to Karan and Prime Minister Chavan.

The dispatch was timestamped 2215 Hours IST — Facility 414, Malan (Lop Nor Sector), signed jointly by Lt. Gen. K. V. Krishna Rao and Dr. P. K. Iyengar:

1. Weighing and gamma-spectrometry verification of Vaults 1 and 2 completed at 2140 hrs. Eleven thermonuclear/fission warhead cores, 205.2 kg of 90% U-235, 604.5 kg of 20% U-235, 34.8 kg of Pu-239, and solid-state sensor crates loaded aboard IAF Airavat-II transports. First two aircraft airborne for Leh and Trombay; remaining two depart at midnight. 2. Madras Sappers and Soviet 45th Engineer Regiment have completed sixty percent of explosive tamping in Lop Nor vertical shafts (412 tonnes total charge). Final demolition set for September 4. 3. Note from Col. Gen. Boychuk to Mr. Kao: General Boychuk listened to the BBC relay of the Vigyan Bhavan press conference over supper in Tunnel 414 with Dr. Iyengar, and wishes to inform Chief Minister Shergill that the Soviet physicists applauded his answer to the Izvestia correspondent.

Prime Minister Yashwantrao Chavan read the third paragraph, set the pink slip down beside his teacup, and let out a low, rumbling laugh that filled the quiet bunker.

“Look at that television screen in New York, Swaran,” Chavan chuckled, pointing his chin toward the muted image of Troyanovsky and Jaipal glaring daggers at each other across the Security Council horseshoe. “In New York, our ambassadors are shouting the roof down. In Moscow and Delhi, our newspapers are calling each other imperialists. In Washington, Brzezinski is congratulating himself that India has stopped the Russian bear at the Tian Shan mountains.

“And three hundred metres underground at Lop Nor, our physicists and their generals are eating supper together while loading two hundred kilograms of weapons-grade uranium onto Indian transport planes!”

Sardar Swaran Singh took a sip of his tea, his eyes twinkling behind his glasses.

“Theatrical realism, Yashwantrao-ji,” the old Foreign Minister said contentedly. “Give every audience the play it wants to watch, while you lock the vault door behind the curtain.”

Karan stood up from the table, walking over to the great illuminated wall map where the new northern frontier of the Indian security sphere ran in an unbroken, impregnable arc from the Wakhan Corridor along the 2,600-metre contour of the Tian Shan range all the way past the smoking ruins of Lop Nor to the borders of Tibet.

Above Ladakh and Tibet now stood a five-hundred-thousand-square-kilometre fortress containing a hundred and forty thousand tonnes of uranium ore, fifty billion barrels of oil, and twenty-two thousand feet of granite mountains—while in the sky above the Himalayas, four giant Airavat-II strategic transports were already carrying half of China’s nuclear crown jewels home to Trombay.

“Vikram,” Karan said, turning to Major Malhotra.

“Sir?”

“Send a signal to E. Sreedharan in Lucknow and Dr. Sethna in Bombay,” Karan said quietly. “Tell them the border is closed and the road to Yarkand and Kashgar is open. The first geological drilling rigs and railway survey teams cross the Karakoram Pass on Monday morning.”

End of Chapter 389